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Content introduction 4 chapter I. The development of past tense forms in the english language
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The development of Past tense forms in the English language
CONTENT
INTRODUCTION 4
CHAPTER I. THE DEVELOPMENT OF PAST TENSE FORMS IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE. 7
1.1. What is the past tense? 7
Examples of past tense 7
Stop procrastinating with our smart planner features for Past Tense. Let's explore the different types of past tense a little further. Each of the three main tenses (past, present, and future) is divided into four aspects. An aspect is a verb form concerned with time and indicates an action's completion, duration, or repetition. Aspects work alongside tenses to show the duration of an action within a particular tense. The four aspects are: simple, continuous (sometimes called progressive'), perfect, and perfect continuous (progressive). Therefore, the types of past tense are also simple, continuous, perfect, and perfect continuous [6, p. 384]. 7
Using the past simple tense 8
Past perfect tense 10
Create and find the best flashcards for Past Tense 11
Past perfect continuous (progressive) tense 11
Past tense revision sheet 11
Using the past tense to refer to the present or future 12
Past Tense - Key takeaways 12
1.2. Modular vs Probabilistic 14
Symbolic vs Distributed 15
Innate vs Gradually Acquired 16
Domain Specific vs Domain General 17
CHAPTER II. HOW TO FORM THE PAST TENSE IN ENGLISH 19
2.1. How to form the past tense in English. 19
2.2. Development of low tense verb forms 22
2.3. The best ways to learn english past tense verbs 26
Be a Well-Rounded Learner 27
Organize New Verbs 27
Improve Your Everyday Speech 27
CONCLUSION: 29
LIST OF LITERATURE 31
INTERNET RESOURCES 32
The English past tense, a seemingly simple linguistic phenomenon that has come to epitomize the latest round in the centuries old debate between rationalists and empiricists, exemplifies the processes that more generally handle the formation of words and their structure [1, p. 379]. These processes have been traditionally studied by the linguistics field of “morphology,” which has assumed a level of representation that is based on the smallest meaning-bearing linguistic units, called morphemes. The main goal of linguistic morphology has been to systematically identify morphemes and describe the principles that govern the way they are used to form words. Morphemic representation lies in between the phonological level, where the basic representations consist of individual sounds phonemes, and whole words. Some morphemes are identical to whole words. For example, each of the words base and ball consists of one morpheme and the word baseball consists of these two morphemes combined. Not all morphemes are words; the word dislike consists of the non-word morpheme /dis/ and the word morpheme /like/, and the word liked consists of the stem morpheme /like/ and the non-word past tense morpheme /ed/. The relation between meaning and word form is not always transparent. One reason is that the meaning of some morphemes can only be traced etymologically. For example, the meaning of –mit in permit, submit, and remit, is not transparent to modern day English speakers but can be traced back to the Latin suffix mittĕre, roughly meaning, “to let go”. Moreover, even when the meanings of the component morphemes are known and can be ascertained (as in /break//fast/, i.e., the meal that breaks the fast) it is not clear that these meanings are transparent and accessible enough to affect word use [2, p. 132-142]. Finally, even when the meanings of the component morphemes are transparent and readily accessible, the meaning of the resulting compound is not consistently entailed. Although there is much regularity in how the meanings of morphemes are related to word meanings (e.g., housedog is a kind of dog and a doghouse is a kind of house) there are many exceptions. Hotdog is not a kind of dog, sweetbread is not a kind of bread, and hammerhead is not a kind of head. Thus, although the relation between word form, word meaning, and morphemes seems to encompass much regularity, it is not trivial and can not be easily captured by simple combinatorial rules [3, p. 448].
This may be differentially true for different kinds of morphological processes. Most morphological theories distinguish between inflectional and derivational processes. Inflectional processes generally involve elements of word structure that are related to grammar such as markings for tense, number, gender, and case. Languages vary in the extent to which this grammatical information is morphologically encoded. In Hebrew, verbs are marked for tense, number, gender, and argument structure, resulting in a complex and highly regular verbal inflectional system. In English, verbs are only marked for tense and number, and in Mandarin Chinese, verbs are marked for neither tense nor number. Inflectional processes apply in accordance with sentence structure and do not alter the core meaning or grammatical class of the inflected stem. Inflectional processes can be viewed as generating classes of systematically related word forms from a basic stem/root form via a small set of morphological operations. Inflectional processes are also highly productive in the sense that they apply to all the words in the language with new words “automatically” receiving a socalled regular “default” treatment. For example, all verbs in English are marked for tense and new verbs generally receive the regular – ed past tense suffix [3, p. 448].
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