5
In this context, the United States stands out, first and foremost due to its role as
the lead external actor in the greater Middle East (in contrast to the more narrow and
focused role of certain European states, such as France, in certain parts of the region).
Perhaps even more critical is the U.S. position as
the leader in the use of
information/social media networks, the main provider and developer of related
technologies, and the self-declared champion of Internet freedom, especially at the
governmental level. The Barack Obama administration, in particular, has elevated
Internet freedom projects around the world in U.S. diplomacy and budget allocations
(the funds appropriated for such projects in 2010 represented a 600 percent increase
from 2009).
However, there is an indication of dialecticism in U.S. policy regarding progress
and setbacks fueled by ICT developments. This offset may be seen by the controversial
impact for the United States of the Wikileaks phenomenon. U.S. policies on Iraq and
Afghanistan featured prominently in the open-access distribution of leaked materials
such as videos and classified or semi-classified U.S. Department of State cables revealed
by Wikileaks. The leaks delivered a public relations and diplomatic blow
to the United
States, even though they did not affect actual U.S. policy toward Iraq and Afghanistan
and had a limited effect on the political situation in the region itself. As a result, the U.S.
government de facto posed as Wikileaks’ main “counter-agent,” reacting harshly to the
fall-out from the Wikileaks’ releases. In so doing,
the Internet freedom agenda
championed by the United States suffered a major political and credibility setback
internationally (much criticism against this reaction came from some lead segments of
the Internet
and media community, especially outside the United States
