Autocracy, despotism and democracy




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That was the moral, spiritual link between the Balkan Wars and the First World War. But on the purely political dimension, the Balkan Wars, especially the first one, can also be seen as the last important link in the chain leading to the Great War. For, as Hew Strachan writes, “the Germans saw it as a war fought by Russia by proxy, and on 2 December 1912 Bethmann-Hollweg announced in the Reichstag that, if Austria-Hungary was attacked by a third party while pursuing its interests, Germany would support Austria-Hungary and fight to maintain its own position in Europe. Britain responded on the following day: it feared that a Russo-Austrian War would lead to a German attack on France and warned the Germans that if that happened it would not accept a French defeat. The Kaiser was furious, and summoned a meeting of his military and naval chiefs on 8 December. He said that, if Russia came to Serbia’s aid, Germany would fight. He assumed that in such a war Bulgaria, Romania, Albania and Turkey would all side with the Triple Alliance [Germany, Austria and Italy], and take the main role against Serbia, so leaving Austria-Hungary to concentrate against Russia…”812

1 Joseph J. Ellis, Founding Brothers, New York: Vintage Books, 2002, p. 77.






2 Roberts, History of the World, Oxford: Helicon, 1992, p. 620.






3 A good example was Tsar Nicholas I's sponsorship of narodnost', or "nationality", as part of his slogan, "Orthodoxy, Autocracy and Narodnost'". (V.M.)






4 Davies, Europe: A History, London: Pimlico, 1997, pp. 812, 813.






5 Buchan, in Susan-Mary Grant, "For God and Country: Why Men Joined Up for the US Civil War", History Today, vol. 50 (7), July, 2000, p. 21.






6 David Reynolds, America, Empire of Liberty, London: Penguin, 2010, p. 205






7 See James Ostrowski, "An Analysis of President Lincoln's Legal Arguments against Secession". Paper delivered at the first-ever academic conference on secession-- "Secession, State, and Economy", April, 1995.






8 Hobsbawm, The Age of Capital (1848-1875), London: Abacus, 1975, pp. 170-173.






9 Roberts, op. cit., pp. 621-622.






10 Reynolds, op. cit., p. 199.






11 Reynolds, op. cit., p. 211.








12 Robertson, "The Christian Soldier: General Thomas 'Stonewall' Jackson", History Today, vol. 53 (2), February, 2003, pp. 31-32.






13 Reynolds, op. cit., pp. 218, 219-220.






14 Simms, Europe: The Struggle for Supremacy, London: Allen Lane, 2013, p. 237.






15 Archbishop Averky (Taushev), Rukovodstvo k izucheniu Sviaschennago Pisania Novago Zaveta (Guide to the Study of the Holy Scriptures of the New Testament), Jordanville, N.Y.: Holy Trinity Monastery, vol. II, pp. 354-355.






16 Nikolai Boeikov, “O rossijskoj monarkhii” (On the Russian Monarchy), in Protopriest Benjamin Zhukov (ed.), Nikolaj II, Paris, 2013, p. 15. Against this, however, should be weighed the fact, if it is a fact, that on the day following the assassination, April 15, Nicholas Motivolov wrote to the Tsar informing him that he had received the following revelation from St. Seraphim of Sarov on April 1 about the death of Abraham Lincoln: "The Lord and the Mother of God not only do not like the terrible oppression, destruction and unrighteous humiliation that is being wrought everywhere with us in Russia by the Decembrists and raging abolitionists: the goodness of God is also thoroughly displeased by the offences caused by Lincoln and the North Americans to the slave-owners of the Southern States, and so Batiushka Father Seraphim has ordered that the image of the Mother of God the Joy of all who Sorrow should be sent to the President of the Southern - that is, precisely the slave-owning States. And he has ordered that the inscription be attached to it: TO THE COMPLETE DESTRUCTION OF LINCOLN." (Sergius and Tamara Fomin, Rossia pered Vtorym Prishestviem (Russia before the Second Coming), Moscow: Rodnik, 1994, vol. I, p. 343)








17 Wilson, op. cit., pp. 413-414, 415.






18 Wagner, "What Relation bear Republican Endeavours to the Kingship?" in Art and Politics, London and Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996, pp. 139-140.








19 Wagner, op. cit., p. 141.






20 Wagner, op. cit., p. 142.






21 Wagner, op. cit., pp. 142-143.








22 Wagner, op. cit., p. 143.








23 Wagner, "On State and Religion", op. cit., pp. 11-13.






24 Wagner, "On State and Religion", op. cit., p. 18.






25 Wagner, "On State and Religion", op. cit., p. 18.






26 Wagner, "On State and Religion", op. cit., p. 20.






27 Wagner, "On State and Religion", op. cit., pp. 20-21.






28 Wagner, "On State and Religion", op. cit., pp. 22-23. We remember the great speech of the king in Shakespeare's Henry V (IV.1):Upon the king! Let us our lives, our souls,

Our debts, our careful wives,
Our children, and our sins lay on the king!
We must bear all. O hard condition!
Twin-born with greatness, subject to the breath
Of every fool, whose sense no more can feel
But his own wringing. What infinite heart's ease
Must kings neglect that private men enjoy!







29

 Wagner, "On State and Religion", op. cit., pp. 23-24.




30

 Wagner, "What is German?", op. cit., p. 166.






31

 Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich, London: Penguin, 2004, pp. 5-6. As he said in January, 1862: "The Prussian monarchy has not yet completed its mission; it is not yet ready to become a purely ornamental decoration of your constitutional Parliament; not yet ready to be manipulated as a piece of lifeless machinery of parliamentary government." (Cohen and Major, op. cit., p. 674) (V.M.).




32

 What Bismarck actually said in his "blood and iron" statement in 1862 was: "Prussia's frontiers as laid down by the Vienna treaties are not conducive to a healthy national life; it is not by means of speeches and majority resolutions that the great issues of the day will be decided - that was the great mistake of 1848 and 1849 - but by iron and blood" (in Bobbitt, op. cit., p. 186).




33

 Cohen and Major, op. cit., p. 674.




34

 Simms, Europe: The Struggle for Supremacy, London: Allen Lane, 2013, p. 229.




35

 Biddiss, "Nationalism and the Moulding of Modern Europe", History, 79, N 257, October, 1984, p. 420.






36

 Lieven, Empire, London: John Murry, 2000, pp. 160-161.




37

 Davies, op. cit., p. 829.




38

 Lieven, op. cit., p. 180.






39

 Spellmann, Monarchies, London: Reaktion Press, 2001, pp. 219-221.






40

 Alistair Horne, Seven Ages of Paris, London: Pan Books, 2003, p. 282.




41

 Victor Hugo appealed: "It is in Paris that the beating of Europe's heart is felt. Paris is the city of cities. Paris is the city of men. There has been an Athens, there has been a Rome, and now there is Paris... Is the nineteenth century to witness this frightful phenomenon? A nation fallen from polity, to barbarism, abolishing the city of nations; Germans extinguishing Paris... Can you give this spectacle to the world" (Horne, op. cit., p. 287).






42

 Price, op. cit., pp. 189-191.




43

 Almond, Revolution, London: De Agostini, 1996, pp. 112-113, 114-115.




44

 Thompson, Europe since Napoleon, London: Penguin Books, 1966, p. 395.




45

 Tiutchev, in Fomin and Fomina, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 83 -84.




46

 Thompson, op. cit., pp. 395-396.




47

 Barzun, op. cit., p. 588.




48

 Ridley, op. cit., p. 214.




49

 Yu.K. Begunov, A.D. Stepanov, K.Yu. Dushenov, Taina Bezzakonia (The Mystery of Iniquity), St. Petersburg, 2002, pp. 387-388.




50

 Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich, London: Penguin, 2004, pp. 6-8.




51

 Von Treitschke, in Ehrenreich, Blood Rites, London: Virago, 1998, pp. 201-202.






52

 Wolsely, in Stuart T. Miller, Mastering Modern European History, London: Palgrave, 1997, p. 195.




53

 Evans, op. cit., pp. 8-12.




54

 Bobbitt, The Shield of Achilles, London: Penguin, 2002, pp. 203-204.




55

 Stürmer, The German Empire 1871-1919, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2000, pp. 3-4.




56

 Disraeli, in Stürmer, op. cit., p. 2; Bobbitt, op. cit., p. 201.




57

 Bobbitt, op. cit., pp. 201-202.




58

 Bobbitt, op. cit., pp. 25-26.




59

 Baigent and Leigh, The Inquisition, London: Penguin, 1999, p. 196.




60

 Baigent and Leigh, op. cit., p. 197.






61

 Jasper Ridley, The Freemasons, London: Constable, 1999, pp. 208-210.




62

 Some of these condemned propositions were: "Every man is free to embrace and profess that religion which, guided by the light of reason, he shall consider true... In the present day it is no longer expedient that the Catholic religion should be the only religion of the state, to the exclusion of all other forms of worship... The Roman pontiff can and should reconcile himself, and come to terms with progress, liberalism and modern civilization" (Peter de Rosa, Vicars of Christ, London: Bantam books, 1988, pp. 146, 245, 246)






63

 Baigent and Leigh, op. cit., p. 205.




64

 Bulgakov, The Vatican Council, South Canaan, 1959, p. 62; quoted in Fr. Michael Azkoul, Once Delivered to the Saints, Seattle: St. Nectarios Press, 2000, p. 204.




65

 Young, The Rush to Embrace, Richfield Springs, NY: Nikodemos Orthodox Publication Society, 1996, pp. 31-32.




66

 De Rosa, op. cit., p. 243.




67

 Cornwell, Hitler’s Pope, London: Penguin, 2000, pp. 14-15.




68

 De Rosa, op. cit., pp. 242-243.




69

 Baugent and Leigh, op. cit., pp. 205-206.




70

 Popovich, "Reflections on the Infallibility of European Man", in Orthodox Faith and Life in Christ, Belmont, Mass.: Institute for Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 1994, pp. 104-105.




71

 Vasilopoulos, O Oikoumenismos khoris maska (Ecumenism unmasked), Athens, 1988, p. 34.




72

 Vasileiades, Orthodoxia kai Papismos en dialogo (Orthodoxy and Papism in Dialogue), Athens, 1981, p. 23.




73

 "In 1867, with Garibaldi's small force in premature action only fifteen miles from the Vatican, the pope, still defiant, said: 'Yes, I hear them coming.' Pointing to the Crucifix: 'This will be my artillery'" (De Rosa, op. cit., p. 148).




74

 Roger Price writes: "7,350,000 voters registered their approval, 1,538,000 voted 'no', and a further 1,900,000 abstained. To one senior official it represented 'a new baptism of the Napoleonic dynasty'. It had escaped from the threat of political isolation. The liberal empire offered greater political liberty but also order and renewed prosperity. It had considerable appeal. The centres of opposition remained the cities, with 59 per cent of the votes in Paris negative and this rising to over 70 per cent in the predominantly workers arrondissements of the north-east. In comparison with the 1869 elections, however, opposition appeared to be waning. Republicans were bitterly disappointed. Even Gambetta felt bound to admit that 'the empire is stronger than ever'. The only viable prospect seemed to be a long campaign to persuade the middle classes and peasants that the republic did not mean revolution" (A Concise History of France, Cambridge University Press, 1993, pp. 188-189).




75

 Lebedev, Velikorossia (Great Russia), St. Petersburg, 1997, pp. 363-364.




76

 Duggan, A Concise History of Italy, Cambridge University Press, 1994, p. 143.




77

 "Napoleon, by the grace of God and the national will Emperor of the French".




78

 Spellmann, Monarchies, London: Reaktion Press, 2001, p. 214.




79

 Zamoyski, Holy Madness, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1999, p. 444.




80

 Ibid. As was written on his tombstone: O Italia, Quanta Gloria e Quanta Bassezza!




81

 Machiavelli, in Bertrand Russell, A History of Western Philosophy, London: Allen Unwin, 1946, p. 528.




82

 Leontiev, "Natsional'naia politika kak orudie vsemirnoj revoliutsii" (National politics as a weapon of universal revolution), Vostok, Rossia i Slavianstvo (The East, Russia and Slavdom), Moscow, 1996, p. 526. Leontiev also wrote: If I were in Rome, I should not hesitate to kiss not only the hand but also the slipper of Leo XIII... Roman Catholicism suits my unabashed taste for despotism, my tendency to spiritual authority, and attracts my heart and mind for many other reasons' (op. cit., p. 529). "An interesting ecumenical remark for an Orthodox," comments Wil van den Bercken (Holy Russia and Christian Europe, London: SCM Press, 1999, p. 213), "but it is not meant that way." That is, he admired the papacy for its authoritarianism without sharing its religious errors.




83

 Baigent and Leigh, op. cit., p. 208.






84

 Nietzsche, David Strauss (1873), in Basic Writings of Nietzsche, New York: Random House, 2000, p. 136, footnote.




85

 What Nietzsche prized above all in German culture was "an elevation and divinatory subtlety of the historical sense" (Beyond Good and Evil, in Basic Writings, p. 312). (V.M.)




86

 Mann, op. cit., pp. 239-240.






87

 Golo Mann, A History of Germany since 1789, London: Pimlico, 1996, p. 240.




88

 Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1992, p. 146.


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