Autocracy, despotism and democracy




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89

 Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, Part I, 13; Basic Writings of Nietzsche, p. 211.




90

 Nietzsche admired both Hegel and Schopenhauer, and despised the English philosophers for their absence of a historical sense. As he wrote in Beyond Good and Evil: "They are no philosophical race, these Englishmen: Bacon signifies an attack on the philosophical spirit; Hobbes, Hume, and Locke a debasement and lowering of the value of the concept of 'philosophy' for more than a century. It was against Hume that Kant arose, and rose; it was Locke of whom Schelling said, understandably, 'je méprise Locke'; in their fight against the English-mechanistic doltification of the world, Hegel and Schopenhauer were of one mind (with Goethe) - these two hostile brother geniuses in philosophy who strove apart toward opposite poles of the German spirit and in the process wronged each other as only brothers can wrong each other." (Part VIII, 252; Basic Writings of Nietzsche, p. 379)




91

 Nietzsche, The Genealogy of Morals, First Essay, 11; Basic Writings of Nietzsche, pp. 476-477.




92

 Nietzsche, Human, All-too Human, 141; Basic Writings of Nietzsche, p. 152.




93

 Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, Part V, 201; Basic Writings of Nietzsche, p. 303.




94

 Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, Part V, 201; Basic Writings of Nietzsche, p. 303.






95

 Nietzsche, The Genealogy of Morals, 7, Basic Writings of Nietzsche, pp. 469-470, 471.




96

 Andre R. MacAndrew, Afterword to Dostoyevsky, Notes from Underground, New York: Signet, 1961, p. p. 233.






97

 Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, Part V, 202; Basic Writings of Nietzsche, p. 306.




98

 Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, Part IX, 60, Basic Writings of Nietzsche, pp. 394-395, 397.




99

 Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, Part IX, 261; Basic Writings of Nietzsche, pp. 397-398.




100

 Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, Part IX, 261; Basic Writings of Nietzsche, p. 399.




101

 "The suppressed race has gradually recovered the upper hand again, in coloring, in shortness of skull, perhaps even in the intellectual and social instincts: who can say whether modern democracy, even more modern anarchism and especially that inclination for "commune", for the most primitive form of society, which is now shared by all the socialists of Europe, does not signify in the main a tremendous counterattack - and that the conqueror and master race, the Aryan, is not succumbing physiologically, too?" (The Genealogy of Morals, First Essay, Basic Writings of Nietzsche, pp. 466-467).




102

 Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, Part VI, 208; Basic Writings of Nietzsche, p. 320.




103

 “The strength of will, and to will something for a long time, is a little greater in Germany, and more so in the German north than in the center of Germany; but much stronger yet in England, Spain, and Corsica, here in association with indolence, there with hard heads – not to speak of Italy, which is too young to know what it wants and still have to prove whether it is able to will – but it is strongest and most amazing by far in that enormous empire in between, where Europe, as it were, flows back into Asia, in Russia. There the strength to will has long been accumulated and stored up, there the will – uncertain whether as a will to negate or a will to affirm – is waiting menacingly to be discharged, to borrow a pet phrase of our physicists today. It may well take more than Indian wars and complications in Asia to rid Europe of its greatest danger: internal upheavals would be needed, too, the shattering of the empire into small units, and above all the introduction of the parliamentary nonsense, including the obligation for everybody to read his newspaper with his breakfast. “I do not say this because I want it to happen: the opposite would be rather more after my heart – I mean such an increase in the menace of Russia that Europe would have to resolve to become menacing, too, namely, to acquire one will by means of a new caste that would rule Europe, a long, terrible will of its own that would be able to cast its goals millennia hence – so the long-drawn-out comedy of its many splinter states as well as its dynastic and democratic splinter wills would come to an end. The time for petty politics is over: the very next century will bring the fight for the dominion of the earth – the compulsion to large-scale politics.” (Beyond Good and Evil, Part VI, 208; Basic Writings of Nietzsche, p. 321)






104

 Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, Part I, 237, Basic Writings of Nietzsche, p. 222




105

 Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, Part V, 202, Basic Writings of Nietzsche, p. 305. Cf. Part VI, 212, pp. 328-329.




106

 Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, Part VI, 212, Basic Writings of Nietzsche, pp. 328-329:






107

 In a letter written in 1908, D.H. Lawrence, who had just discovered Nietzsche in Croydon Public Library, actually imagined a gas chamber for the painless disposal of superfluous people: 'If I had my way, I would build a lethal chamber as big as the Crystal Palace with a military band playing softly, and a cinematograph working brightly; then I'd go out in the back streets and main streets and bring them in, all the sick, the halt, the maimed; I would lead them gently, and they would smile a weary thanks; and the band would softly bubble out the Hallelujah Chorus.'" (Davies, op. cit., pp. 859-860).




108

 Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, Part V, 199, Basic Writings of Nietzsche, p. 301.




109

 Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, Part VII, 229, Basic Writings of Nietzsche, pp. 348-349.






110

 Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, Part II, 43, Basic Writings of Nietzsche, p. 243.




111

 Nietzsche, The Joyful Wisdom; cited in Fr. Seraphim Rose, Nihilism, Platina, Ca.: St. Herman of Alaska Brotherhood Press, 1994.




112

 Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, 4; in Rose, op. cit., p. 50.




113

 Fr. Frederick Copleston, A History of Philosophy, vol. 7, part II; Schopenhauer to Nietzsche, New York: Image Books, 1965, p. 183.






114

 Osborne, "What's truth got to do with it?", The Spectator, 30 April, 2005, p. 31.






115

 Nietzsche, Joyful Wisdom (1882).




116

 Nietzsche, The Will to Power; in Rose, op. cit., p. 12.




117

 Rose, op. cit., p. 22.






118

 Rose, op. cit., pp. 57-58.




119

 Copleston, op. cit., p. 178.




120

 Nietzsche, The Will to Power; in Rose, op. cit., pp. 31, 68.




121

 Nietzsche, The Joyful Wisdom, in Rose, op. cit., p. 72.




122

 Rose, op. cit., pp. 31-32.




123

 Nietzsche, in Rose, op. cit., p. 55.




124

 Nietzsche, The Will to Power; in Rose, op. cit., p. 31.




125

 Nietzsche, The Will to Power; in Rose, op. cit., p. 91.




126

 Rose, op. cit., p. 92.




127

 Nietzsche, Thus Spake Zarathustra; in Rose, op. cit., p. 92.




128

 Nietzsche, quoted in David Robertson, The Dawkins Letters, Fearn: Christian Focus Publications, 2007, p. 81.




129

 Nietzsche, The Genealogy of Morals, Second Essay, Basic Writings of Nietzsche, p. 532.




130

 Berlin, "The Origins of Israel", The Power of Ideas, London: Chatto & Windus, 2000, pp. 143-­144.




131

 Daniel Pipes, Conspiracy: how the paranoid style flourishes and where it comes from, New York: The Free Press, 1997, p. 32.




132

 Crémieux, Archives Israelites (Israelite Archives), 1861, N 25.





133

 Tikhomirov, op. cit., pp. 377-378.




134

 Webster, Secret Societies and Subversive Movements, Christian Book Club of America, 1924, p. 275.




135

 Lebedev, Velikorossia (Great Russia), St. Petersburg, 1997, p. 35.




136

 Tikhomirov, op. cit., pp. 378




137

 Levy, La Revue de Paris (Paris Review), June 1, 1928, p. 574; in Eddie Kadach, "The Jews' God", http://www.stormfront.org/posterity/ci/tjg.html.






138

 Norman Cohn, Warrant for Genocide, London: Serif, 1996, pp. 126, 285-289.




139

 Hoffman, “Moses Hess”, Revisionist History,




140

 http://www/zionismontheweb.org/Moses_Hess_Rome_and_Jerusalem.htm. This book was published in 1995 by the University of Nebraska Press.






141

 Johnson, A History of the Jews, London: Phoenix, 1995, p. 394. According to Solzhenitsyn, German antisemitism began in 1869 with Richard Wagner. Then "in the 70s [it came] from conservative and clerical circles, who demanded that German Jews be restricted in their rights and their further immigration be forbidden. From the end of the 70s this movement 'also took hold of the intellectual circles of society'. It was expressed and brought to its most generalized formulations by the prominent Prussian historian Henrich von Trietschke: 'The present agitation has correctly caught the mood of society, which considers the Jews to be our national misfortune', 'the Jews can never be fused with the West European peoples' and express their hatred for Germanism. After him came Eugen During (who is so well known for his quarrel with Marx and Engels): 'The Jewish question is simple a racial question, and the Jews are not only foreign to us, they are innately and unalterably a corrupt race'. Then came the philosopher Eduard Hartmann. - In the political sphere this movement led in 1882 to the First International Anti-Jewish Congress (in Dresden), which accepted a 'Manifesto to the governments and peoples of the Christian states, who are perishing from Jewry', and demanding the expulsion of the Jews from Germany. - But by the 90s the anti-Jewish parties had weakened and suffered a series of political defeats." (Dvesti let vmeste (Two hundred years together), Moscow, 2002, pp. 315-316)




142

 Pipes, Conspiracy, op. cit., p. 27.




143

 Cf. Heine: "Freedom is the new religion, the religion of our time. If Christ is not the god of this new religion, he is nevertheless a high priest of it, and his name gleams beatifically into the hearts of the apostles. But the French are the chosen people of the new religion, their language records the first gospels and dogmas. Paris is the New Jerusalem, the Rhine is the Jordan that separates the consecrated land of freedom from the land of the Philistines" (in Johnson, op. cit., p. 346).




144

 Dan Cohn-Sherbok, An Atlas of Jewish History, London: Routledge, 1996, pp. 147-148.






145

 Dieckhoff, The Invention of a Nation, London: Hurst and Company, 2003, pp. 16-19.






146

 Balfour, The Foundations of Belief, 1895, pp. 30-31; in Wilson, The Victorians, London: Hutchinson, 2002, p. 557.




147

 Lewis, "Is Theology Poetry?", in The Weight of Glory and Other Addresses, New York: Macmillan, 1949.




148

 A.N. Wilson writes that Marx's task was "to convert the 'Will' of German philosophy and this abstraction into a force in the practical world" (After the Victorians, London: Hutchinson, 2005, p. 126).




149

 Fr. Timothy Alferov, Pravoslavnoe Mirovozzrenie i Sovremennoe Yesytesvoznanie (The Orthodox World-View and the Contemporary Science of Nature), Moscow: "Palomnik", 1998, p. 158.




150

 Wurmbrand, Was Karl Marx a Satanist?, Diane Books (USA), 1976, p. 44.




151

 Hieromonk Damascene, in Fr. Seraphim Rose, Genesis, Creation and Early Man, Platina, Ca.: St. Herman of Alaska Press, 2000, p. 339, note.




152

 Gareth Jones, "The Routes of Revolution", BBC History Magazine, vol. 3 (6), June, 2002, p. 36.




153

 Russell, A History of Western Philosophy, London; George Allen and Unwin, 1946, pp. 807-808.






154

 Barzun, From Dawn to Decadence, 1500 to the Present, New York: Perennial, 2000, pp. 571-572.




155

 Davies, op. cit., p. 794.




156

 Russell, A History of Western Philosophy, London: Allen Unwin, 1946, p. 753.




157

 Alferov, Pravoslavnoe Mirovozzrenie i Sovremennoe Estesvoznanie (The Orthodox World-View and the Contemporary Science of Nature), Moscow: "Palomnik", 1998, pp. 157-158.






158

 Russell, op. cit., p. 753. Indeed, a recent programme on British television seriously debated the question whether apes should have the same rights as human beings, and came to an affirmative answer... See also Joanna Bourke, What is Means to be Human, London: Virago, 2011.






159

 Barzun, op. cit., pp. 577, 578-579.






160

 Hopkirk, The Great Game, Oxford University Press, 1991, p. 300.






161

 Hopkirk, op. cit., pp. 304-305.




162

 Figes, A People's Tragedy, London: Pimlico, 1997, pp. 411-413, 414-415.




163

 Mikhail Vasilievich Chevalkov, "A Testament of Memory", Orthodox Life, July-August, 2009, pp. 12-13.




164

 Lebedev, Velikorossia, St. Petersburg, 1997, pp. 302-303.




165

 Fr. Geoffrey Korz writes: "Until about 1900, the Alaskan native languages had a thriving literature and press under the auspices of the Orthodox Church, until American rule enforced an 'English-only' policy" ("The Alaska Code: Rare Alaskan Orthodox Manuscripts brought back to life," http://www.orthodoxytoday.org/articles6/KorzAlaskaText.php).




166

 Lebedev, op. cit.




167

 M.V. Krivosheev and Yu.V. Krivosheev, Istoria Rossijskoj Imperii 1861-1894 (A History of the Russian Empire), St. Petersburg 2000, pp. 130-137.




168

 Pisarev, in V.F. Ivanov, Russkaia Intelligentsia i Masonstvo: ot Petra I do nashikh dnej (The Russian Intelligentsia and Masonry: from Peter I to our Days), Harbin, 1934, Moscow, 1997, pp. 338-340.






169

 Figes, op.cit., pp. 130-131.




170

 The term "nihilism" was first introduced, according to B.P. Kosmin (Russkaia Filosofia: Malij Entsiklopedicheskij Slovar' (Russian Philosophy: Small Encyclopaedic Dictionary), Moscow: Nauka, 1995, p. 253, by Michael Katkov, editor of the conservative Russkij Vestnik (Russian Herald), who diagnosed Bazarov’s spiritual illness as proceeding from his lack of rootedness in the national soil. “Man taken separately does not exist. He is everywhere part of some living connection, or some social organization. Man extracted from the environment is a fiction or an abstraction. His moral and intellectual organization, or, more broadly, his ideas are only then operative in him when he has discovered them first as the organizational forces of the environment in which he happens to live and think.”


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Autocracy, despotism and democracy

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