An essay in universal history

213 Wilson, Tolstoy, London: Atlantic Books, 2012, p. 328. On Count Dmitri Tolstoy, see Izmestieva, “Dmitrij Andreevich Tolstoj”, Voprosy Istorii (Questions of History), 2006 (3).

214 "The failures of the Crimean war were connected by the Westerners with God's punishment striking Russia for all her vices and absurdities, by which they understood the existence in the country of serfdom and the despotic character of the State administration. Despotism and serfdom, as the Westerners noted, hindered the normal development of the country, preserving its economic, political and military backwardness." (A.I. Sheparneva, "Krymskaia vojna v osveschenii zapadnikov" (The Crimean war as interpreted by the Westerners), Voprosy Istorii (Questions of History), 2005 (9), p. 37).

215 Hayward, introduction to Chloe Obolensky, The Russian Empire: A Portrait in Photographs, London: Jonathan Cape, 1980, p. 13.

216^ Polnoe Zhizneopisanie Sviatitelia Ignatia Brianchaninova (A Complete Biography of the Holy Hierarch Ignaty Brianchaninov), Moscow, 2002, pp. 317, 319-320.

217^ Tikhomirov, "Pochemy ia perestal byt' revoliutsionerom" (Why I ceased to be a revolutionary), Kritika Demokratii (A Critique of Democracy), Moscow, 1997, p. 26.

218^ Polnoe Zhizneopisanie Sviatitelia Ignatia Brianchaninova, op. cit.

219^ Eric Hobsbawm writes: "There were 148 outbreaks of peasant unrest in 1826-34, 216 in 1835-44, 348 in 1844-54, culminating in the 474 outbreaks of the last years preceding the emancipation of 1861." (The Age of Revolution, 1789-1848, London: Abacus, 1962, p. 362) Ronald Seth writes: "A Russian historian, Vasily Semevsky, who died in 1916, using official records as a basis, claimed that there were 550 peasant uprisings in the sixty years of the nineteenth century prior to liberation; while a later Soviet historian, Inna Ignatovich, insists, upon equally valid records, that there were in fact 1,467 such rebellions in this period. And in addition to these uprisings serfs deserted their masters in hundreds and thousands, sometimes in great mass movement, when rumours circulated that freedom could be found 'somewhere in the Caucasus'." (The Russian Terrorists, London: Barrie and Rockliff, 1966, pp. 20-21) (V.M.)

220^ M.V. Krivosheev and Yu.V. Krivosheev, Istoria Rossijskoj Imperii 1861-1894 (A History of the Russian Empire), St. Petersburg 2000, pp. 10-11.

221^ Soloviev, in Krivosheev and Krivosheev, op. cit., p. 17.

222 Archimandrite Constantine (Zaitsev), "Velikaia Reforma Osvobozhdenia Krestian. 1861-1961" ("The Great Reform of the Emancipation of the Serfs. 1861-1961"), Pravoslavnij Put' (The Orthodox Way), Jordanville, 1961, p. 24.

223 Oliver Figes, Natasha's Dream, London: Penguin, 2002, pp. 144-145.

224 This applied also to the production of armaments. The Crimean war had revealed Russian rifles to be very inefficient. Therefore priority had to be given to new armaments technologies and factories. But that required a free labour force instead of the system of forced labour of serfs that was then in operation. For "in the words of a report on the Tula Armory in 1861: 'It would seem to be generally indisputable that only free men are capable of honest work. He who from childhood has been forced to work is incapable of assuming responsibility as long as his social condition remains unchanged.'" (David Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations, London: Abacus, 1999, p. 241). (V.M.)

225 Hosking, Russia. People and Empire, 1552-1917, London: HarperCollins, 1997, p. 318.

226^ Bobbitt, The Shield of Achilles, London: Penguin, 2002, pp. 181-182.

227^ Figes, Natasha's Dream, p. 144. "More than 80% of the small and middle nobility were in debt to the state on the security of their own estates, and this debt would have been unrepayable if it had not been for the reform. The value of the payments for the land cleared many debts." (Krivosheev and Krivosheev, op. cit. p. 20).

228^ Pipes, The Russian Revolution, 1899-1919, London: Collins Harvill, 1990, pp. 87-98.

229^ Lebedev, op. cit., pp. 341-342.

230^ Pipes, op. cit., p. 98.

231^ Polnoe Zhizneopisanie Sviatitelia Ignatia, pp. 335-336.

232^ Volgin, Poslednij God Dostoevskogo (Dostoyevsky's Last Year), Moscow, 1986, pp. 32-33.

233^ Dostoyevsky, The Diary of a Writer, January, 1881, London: Cassell, pp. 1032-1033.

234 Figes, Natasha's Dream p. 145.

235^ Pipes, op. cit., pp. 98-99.

236 Metropolitan Ioann (Snychev), Zhizn' i deiatel'nost' mitropolita Filareta (The Life and Activity of Metropolitan Philaret), Tula, 1994.

237 Philaret, in Bishop Plato, On the Question of Freedom of Conscience, Kiev, 1902.

238 St. John of Kronstadt, Moia Zhizn' o Khriste (My Life in Christ), Moscow, 1894.

239 Victor Afanasyev, Elder Barsanuphius of Optina, Platina, Ca.: St. Herman of Alaska Press, 2000, pp. 216, 217. The old family retainer in Chekhov's The Cherry Orchard also believed that the rot set in with "Freedom" (Hayward, in Obolensky, op. cit., p. 13).

240 Lebedev, op. cit., pp. 342-343.

241 Roberts, History of the World, London: Helicon, 1992, p. 612.

242 Nazarov, “Krovavaia mest’ slavianskim varvaram” (Bloody revenge on the Slavic barbarians), address to the international scientific conference, ‘The Jewish-Bolshevik coup of 1917 as the precondition of the red terror and forced starvations’, http://www.livejournal.com/users/rocornews/174447.html).

243 Edmund Wilson, To the Finland Station, London: Phoenix, 2004, pp. 256-258, 259-260, 261.

244^ Wagner, in Stephen Johnson, Wagner. His Life and His Work, London: Naxos, 2007. P. 59.

245^ Berlin, “German Romanticism in Petersburg and Moscow”, in Russian Thinkers, London: Penguin, 2008, pp. 164-165.

246 M.S. Anderson, The Ascendancy of Europe, 1815-1914, London: Longman, 1985, pp. 350-351.

247 Bakunin, in Julius Braunthal, History of the International 1864-1914, 1966, p. 139.

248 Engels, in Chomsky, Understanding Power, pp. 31-32.

249 Wrangel, in Wilson, op. cit., p. 269.

250 Dostoyevsky, Notes from the Underground, in The Best Stories of Dostoyevsky, New York, 1955, p. 136.

251 Gareth Stedman-Jones writes: “Visions of the disappearance of the state [in Marx] belonged to the 1840s: 1848 dashed these innocent hopes” (“The Routes of Revolution”, BBC History Magazine, vol. 3 (6), June, 2002, p. 36).

252 Berlin, “Nationalism”, in The Proper Study of Mankind, London: Pimlico, 1998, p. 584.

253 See the recollections of English travellers in Krivosheev and Krivosheev, op. cit., p. 10.

254 Friedrich Engels, Karl Marx and the Revolutionary Movement in Russia.

255 Pipes, Russia under the Old Regime, pp. 273-274.

256 Seth, The Russian Terrorists, London: Barrie and Rockliff, 1966, pp. 28-29.

257 Seth, op. cit., pp. 30-31.

258 Ivanov, op. cit., pp. 342-343.

259 Dostoyevsky, in David Magarshack’s introduction to The Devils, London: Penguin, 1971, pp. x-xi.

260 Dostoyevsky, Polnoe Sobranie Sochinenij (Complete Works), Moscow, 1914, vol. I, p. 150.

261 Dostoyevsky, The Idiot, Penguin Magarshack translation, p. 585.

262 Dostoyevsky, The Idiot, p. 586.

263 Dostoyevsky, The Diary of a Writer, 1877.

264 Dostoyevsky, The Diary of a Writer, August, 1880; Polnoe Sobranie Sochinenij (Complete Works), Moscow, 1984, vol. 26, pp. 151, 169. Cf. Thomas Hobbes: "The papacy is not other than the ghost of the deceased Roman empire, sitting crowned upon the grave thereof" (Leviathan).

265^ Dostoyevsky, The Diary of a Writer, November, 1877, pp. 910-912.

266^ Chernov, "Lenin", in Foreign Affairs, January-February, 2012, p. 12.

267 Svetil'nik Pravoslavia (Candlestick of Orthodoxy), Moscow, 1912, pp. 5-6; in "Zhizneopisanie Protoiereia Valentina Amphiteatrova" (Life of Protopriest Valentine Amphiteatrov), Pravoslavnaia Zhizn' (Orthodox Life), 53, NQ 11 (658), November, 2004, pp. 9-10.

268^ Monk Boris (Ephremov), "Sergius Nilus", Pravoslavnaia Rus'(Orthodox Russia), N 1 (1454), January 1/14, 1992, pp. 5-9.

269^ Brianchaninov, Pis'ma, no. 283; translated as "Concerning the Impossibility of Salvation for the Heterodox and Heretics", The Orthodox Word, March-April, 1965, and Orthodox Life, January-February, 1991.

270^ Brianchaninov, in Fomin and Fomina, op. cit., vol. I, pp. 339, 340.

271^ Zhizneopisanie Episkopa Ignatia Brianchaninova, p. 485. In the last decade of his life the holy hierarch composed notes for an agenda of a Council of the Russian Church that would tackle the grave problems facing her. See http://catacomb.org.ua/modules.php?name=Pages&go=page&pid=1968.

272^ Fomin and Fomina, op. cit., vol. I, p. 349.

273 St. Ambrose of Optina, Pis'ma (Letters), Sergiev Posad, 1908, part 1, pp. 21-22.

274 St. Theophan, in Fomin and Fomina, op. cit., vol. I, pp. 346, 347.

275 Solzhenitsyn, Dvesti Let Vmeste (Two Hundred Years Together), Moscow, 2001, volume 1, p. 136.

276^ Solzhenitsyn, op. cit., pp. 146-148.

277^ Solzhenitsyn, op. cit., pp. 154, 155.

278^ Solzhenitsyn, op. cit., pp. 165-166.

279^ Solzhenitsyn, op. cit., p. 213.

280^ Vital, A People Apart: The Jews in Europe 1789-1939, Oxford University Press, 1999, p. 403.

281^ Solzhenitsyn, op. cit., pp. 177-178.

282^ Solzhenitsyn, op. cit., pp. 167-168.

283^ Berlin, “The Origins of Israel”, in The Power of Ideas, London: Chatto & Windus, 2000, p. 148.

284^ Solzhenitsyn, op. cit., pp. 197, 198.

285^ Pobedonostev, in Cohen and Major, op. cit., p. 627.

286^ Dostoyevksy, The Diary of a Writer, March, 1877, II, 3; translated by Boris Brasol, Haslemere: Ianmead, 1984, pp. 648-651.

287 Hosking, Russia: People & Empire, London: HarperCollins, 1997, pp. 391-392.

288^ Lopukhin, Istoria Khristianskoj Tserkvi v XIX veke (A History of the Christian Church in the 19th Century), St. Petersburg, 1901, vol. II, pp. 47-48.

289 Thus "on April 12th, 1791," writes Roman Golicz, "a cartoon was published in London entitled 'An Imperial Stride!' depicting Catherine the Great with one foot in Russia and the other in Constantinople. The image recalls the empress's epic tour to the Crimea in 1787 when she entered Kherson through an arch inscribed 'The Way to Constantinople'” ("The Russians Shall Not Have Constantinople", History Today, September, 2003, p. 39.

290^ Figes, Crimea, London: Allen Lane, 2010, p. 9.

291 Leontiev, "Pis'ma o vostochnykh delakh - I" (Letters on Eastern Matters - I), in Vostok, Rossia i Slavianstvo (The East, Russia and Slavdom), Moscow, 1996, p. 354. Cf. Mansel, Constantinople, p. 248: "Wellington revealed the great truth: 'The Ottoman Empire stands not for the benefit of the Turks but of Christian Europe.' Metternich pronounced the preservation of the Ottoman Empire in Europe 'a political necessity for Austria'."

292^ For example, "when in the eighteenth century the Orthodox in Syria complained to the Porte of Catholic propaganda, the following decree was issued: 'Some of the devilish French monks, with evil purposes and unjust intentions, are passing through the country and are filling the Greek rayah with their worthless French doctrine; by means of stupid speeches they are deflecting the rayah from its ancient faith and are inculcating the French faith. Such French monks have no right to remain anywhere except in those places where their consuls are located; they should not undertake any journeys or engage in missionary work" (in Fr. Alexander Schmemann, The Historical Road of Eastern Orthodoxy, Crestwood, N.Y.: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1963, p. 284).

293^ Leontiev, "Pis'ma o vostochnykh delakh" (Letters on Eastern Affairs), Vostok, Rossia i Slavianstvo, op. cit., p. 362.

294^ St. Theophan's Life, in Archimandrite Nicon (Ivanov) and Protopriest Nicholas (Likhomakov), Zhitia Russkikh Sviatykh (Lives of the Russian Saints), Tutaev, 2000, vol. 2, p. 716.

295^ Lopukhin, op. cit., pp. 136-137. For more on this quarrel, see Deacon Peter Pakhomov, “O Prekraschenii Afonskoj Smuty, Igumene Makarii i Generale Ignatieve” (On the Ending of the Athos Time of Troubles, Abbot Macarius and General Ignatiev), 1 October, 2015.

296^ Sir Geoffrey Hosking, Russia. People and Empire, 1552-1917, London: HarperCollins, 1997, p. 369.

297 The famous Serbian Bishop Nikolai (Velimirovich) was inclined to deny the very existence of Pan-Slavism, saying that it was invented by the Germans: "Who thought up Pan-Slavism and spoke about it to the world? The Pan-Germanists! Yes, it was precisely the Pan-Germanists who thought up Pan-Slavism and sounded out about it to the whole world. Man always judges about others from himself. If Pan-Germanism exists, then why should Pan-Slavism not exist? However, this analogy, however much it may appear to represent the rule, is inaccurate in this case. Pan-Germanism existed and exists, while Pan-Slavism was not and is not now. Everybody knows that there is a Pan-German party in both Germany and Austria. We know that there exists Pan-German journalism, and pan-German clubs, and German literature, and pan-German organizations, and German banks. But in the Slavic world, by contrast, there exists nothing of the kind. As a Slav, I would have known about it, and as a free man I would have spoken about it all openly. However, in the Slavic world there exists something which is somewhat different from the Pan-Slavic spectre - a feeling, only a feeling, which is to be found more often in literature than in politics - Slavophilism. This is the same feeling of blood kinship and sympathy that exists in Italy towards the French, which is far from political Pan-Romanism, or the same feeling of kinship that exists in the United States towards the English and in England towards the Americans, although here also it is far from any kind of fantastic Pan-Anglicanism. It is a sentimental striving for kin, a nostalgia of the blood, a certain organic fear of being separated from one's own. And if in this Slavophilism the penetrating note of love is just a little more audible than in Romanophilism or Anglophilism (and I think that it is audible), then this is completely natural and comprehensible. People who suffer are closer to each other than people who are lords. We Slavs, first of all as Slavs, and secondly as oppressed slaves, love and strive towards those who suffer from the same injustice, from the same arrogant pride, from the same disdain. Who can understand a slave better than a slave? And who is more likely to help a sufferer than a sufferer?..." (Dusha Serbii (The Soul of Serbia), Moscow, 2007, pp. 572-573).

298 A.N. Wilson, The Victorians, London: Arrow Books, 2002, p. 395.

299 Gallagher, "Folly & Failure in the Balkans", History Today, September, 1999, p. 48.

300^ Hosking, op. cit., pp. 370-371.

301^ Andrzej Walicki, A History of Russian Thought, Oxford: Clarendon, 1988, pp. 291-293, 295-297.

302^ Hosking, op. cit., p. 369.

303 Florovsky, “Vechnoe i prekhodiaschee v uchenii russkikh slavianofilov” (The eternal and the passing in the teaching of the Russian Slavophiles), in Vera i Kul’tura (Faith and Culture), St. Petersburg, 2002, pp. 101, 102-103).

304^ Almond, Europe's Backyard War, London: Mandarin, 1994, p. 105.

305^ Walicki, op. cit., pp. 304-305.

306^ Thus "one of the sources of Leontiev's ideas", writes S.V. Khatuntsev, “on the inevitability of serious conflicts between a Russia that was renewing and transforming itself and the civilization of the West was, without a doubt, the ideas of the Slavophiles. Proceeding from a recognition of the complete opposition of the two worlds – the ‘western’, ‘Romano-Germanic’, ‘Catholic-Protestant’, and the ‘eastern’, ‘Slavic-Orthodox’, the Slavophiles concluded that conflicts and wars between them were inevitable. So for Yu.F. Samarin, ‘the essential, root difference’ between the two worlds was already ‘a condition of struggle’ between them in all spheres, including the political. The political opposition between Western Europe and Slavdom was the initial basis of the views of I.S. Aksakov. Already in 1861 he was speaking about ‘the hatred, which is often instinctive’ of Europe for the Slavic, Orthodox world, the case of which was ‘the antagonism between the two opposing educational principles and the envy of the decrepit world for the new one, to which the future belongs’. Several years later Aksakov wrote: ‘The whole task of Europe consisted and consists in putting an end to the material and moral strengthening of Russia, so as not to allow the new, Orthodox-Slavic world to arise…’ However, he did not think that the opposition between the West and Russia unfailingly signified enmity or war between them. No less important for the genesis of the ideas of Leontiev that are being reviewed was his conception of the war of 1853-56 and the anti-Russian campaigns in Europe during the Polish rebellion of 1863-1864. Both the Eastern war and the anti-Russian campaigns convinced him that the West was irreconcilably hostile to Russia.” ("Problema 'Rossia-Zapad' vo vzgliadakh K.N. Leontieva (60-e gg. XIX veka)" (The Problem of Russia and the West in the views of K.N. Leontiev (in the 60s of the 19th century), Voprosy Istorii (Questions of History), 2006 (3), p. 119)

307^ As Leontiev put it: "The Greeks have 'the Byzantine empire', 'the Great Hellenic Idea'; while the Bulgars have 'Great Bulgaria'. Is it not all the same?" ("Pis'ma o vostochnykh delakh - IV" (Letters on Eastern Matters - IV), op. cit., p. 363.

308 "So much for the national development, which makes them all similar to contemporary Europeans, which spreads petty rationalism, egalitarianism, religious indifference, European bourgeois uniformity in tastes and manners: machines, pantaloons, frock-coats, top hats and demagogy!" ("Plody natsional'nykh dvizhenij" (The Fruits of the National Movements), op. cit., p. 560).

309^ Walicki, op. cit., p. 303.

310 Leontiev,

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