312 Leontiev, "On Political and Cultural Nationalism", letter 3, op. cit., p. 363.
313 Leontiev, "Tribal Politics as a Weapon of Global Revolution", letter 2, in Constantine Leontiev, Izbrannie Sochinenia (Selected Works), edited and with an introductory article by I.N. Smirnov, Moscow, 1993, p. 314.
314 Wil Van Den Bercken, Holy Russia and Christian Europe, London: SCM Press, 1999, p. 212.
315 Walicki, op. cit., p. 308.
316 St. Ambrose, Letter 226, Pravoslavnaia Zhizn' (Orthodox Life),478, November, 1989, pp. 208-209.
317 Moreover, the 28th canon of the Fourth Ecumenical Council specifically mentions Thrace and Macedonia as coming within the jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. The Greeks were to use this canon in defence of their position.
318 The Phanar's refusal led to two distinct movements for Bulgarian ecclesiastical independence: the Bulgarian Uniate Church, which was in communion with Rome, and the Bulgarian exarchate, later the Bulgarian patriarchate, which remained Orthodox. What is written here relates exclusively to the Bulgarian Orthodox Church.
319 Walter, "Raphael Popov, Bulgarian Uniate bishop: problems of uniatism and autocephaly", Sobornost', 6:1, 1984, p. 53.
320 Leontiev, “Plody natsional’nykh dvizhenij” (The Fruits of the National Movements), op. cit., p. 559.
321 Metropolitan Philaret, in Leontiev, “Pis’ma o vostochnykh delakh” (Letters on Eastern Matters), op. cit, p. 360.
322 Leontiev, “Plody natsional’nykh dvizhenij”, op. cit., p. 558.
323 Leontiev, “Plody natsional’nykh dvizhenij”, op. cit., p. 559.
324 Leontiev, “Plody natsional’nykh dvizhenij”, op. cit., p. 560. As he wrote in another place: “They wanted to have not, an administrative, or topographical exarchate within definite boundaries, but a tribal [ethnic] exarchate, a ‘phyletic’ exarchate as the Greek clergy put it at the council of 1872. The Ecumenical Patriarch could have given them an administrative exarchate or even a patriarchy, and he would have been forced to do that later by force of circumstances… but the Bulgarians wanted a ‘tribal’ exarchate, that is, they wanted all Bulgarians, wherever they lived, to depend directly and in all respects on their national clergy. Of course, the Patriarch did not even have the right to bow to their wishes in this form. The Bulgarians then separated in a self-willed manner; while the council declared them to be… ‘schismatics’…” (“Dopolnenie k dvum stat’iam o panslavizme” (Supplement to Two Articles on Pan-Slavism), op. cit., p. 81.) And again: “In the ecclesiastical question the Bulgarians and the Greeks were equally cunning and wrong according to conscience. The difference lay in the fact that canonically, formally, in the sense precisely of abstract principles of tradition, the Greeks were more right” (“Khram i Tserkov’” (Temple and Church), op. cit., p. 165). (V.M.)
325 Pavlenko, “The Heresy of Phyletism: History and the Present”, Vertograd-Inform, (English edition), September, 1999. The full report of the special commission can be found in Hildo Boas and Jim Forest, For the Peace from Above: an Orthodox Resource Book, Syndesmos, 1999; in “The Heresy of Racism”, In Communion, Fall, 2000, pp. 16-18.
326 Pittas, personal communication, May 26, 2015.
327 See K. Dinkov, Istoria na B'lgarskata Ts'rkva (A History of the Bulgarian Church), Vratsa, 1953, pp. 80-96; D. Kosev, "Bor'ba za samostoyatel'na natsionalna tserkva" (The Struggle for an Independent National Church), in Istoria na B'lgaria (A History of Bulgaria), Sofia: Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1987, vol. 6, pp. 124-188 (in Bulgarian); Fr. German Ivanov-Trinadtsaty, "Novij podkhod k greko-bolgarskomu raskolu 1872 goda" (A New Approach to the Greco-Bulgarian Schism), Russkoe Vozrozhdenie (Russian Regeneration), 1987 (I), pp. 193-200.
328 Khomiakov, Pravoslavie, Samoderzhavie, Narodnost’ (Orthodoxy, Autocracy and Nationality), Minsk: Belaruskaya Gramata, 1997, p. 19.
329 Glubokovsky, "Pravoslavie po ego sushchestvu" (Orthodoxy in its essence), in Tserkov' i Vremia (The Church and Time), 1991, pp. 5-6.
330 Leontiev, “Panslavism i Greki” (Pan-Slavism and the Greeks), op. cit., p. 46.
331 Wheatcroft, Infidels, London: Penguin Books, 2004, p. 260. As Noel Malcolm writes, "the basic cause of popular discontent was agrarian; but this discontent was harnessed in some parts of Bosnia by members of the Orthodox population who had been in contact with Serbia, and who now publicly declared their loyalty to the Serbian state. Volunteers from Serbia, Slavonia, Croatia, Slovenia and even Russia (plus some Italian Garibaldists, and a Dutch adventuress called Johanna Paulus) were flooding into the country, convinced that the great awakening of the South Slavs was at hand. The Bosnian governor assembled an army in Hercegovina, which acted with ineffective brutality during the autumn and harsh winter of 1875-6. The fiercer begs raised their own 'bashi-bazooks' (irregular troops) and, fearing a general overthrow in Bosnia, began terrorizing the peasant population. During 1876, hundreds of villages were burnt down and at least 5000 peasants killed; by the end of the year, the number of refugees from Bosnia was probably 100,000 at least, and possibly 250,000." (Bosnia: A Short History, London: Papermac, 1996, p. 132)
332 "Proslavlenie khristian iz Bataka, muchenicheski postradavshikh za sv. Pravoslavnuiu veru v 1876 godu" (Glorification of the Christians from Batak who suffered martyrically for the holy Orthodox faith in 1876), http://catacomb.org.ua/modules.php?name=Pages&go=print_page&pid=910 ; Rassophore Monk Euthymius, "The New Martyrs of Batak", Orthodox Life, no. 2, March-April, 2007, p. 8.
333 Tim Judah, The Serbs, London and New York: Yale University Press, third edition, 2009, pp. 66, 67
334 Hosking, Russia: People & Empire, London: HarperCollins, 1997, p. 371.
335According to Judah, Cherniaev's troops were "often drunk and had little or no military experience" (op. cit., p. 66).
336 Misha Glenny, The Balkans, 1804-1999, London: Granta Books, 2000, p. 132.
337 Almond, op. cit., pp. 108-109.
338 Rosamund Bartlett, Tolstoy. A Russian Life, Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2011, pp. 249-250. At about the same time (May, 1877) Tolstoy visited Elder Ambrose of Optina. The Elder said prophectically about Tolstoy: “His heart seeks God, but there is muddle anda lack of belief in his thoughts. He suffers from a great deal of pride, spiritual pride. He will cause a lot of harm with his arbitrary and empty interpretation of the Gospels, which in his opinion no one has understood before him, but everything is God’s will…” (op. cit., p. 256)
339 Hosking, op. cit., p. 371.
340 Hosking, op. cit.
341 Golicz, op. cit., p. 40.
342 Selischev, "Chto neset Pravoslaviu proekt 'Velikoj Albanii'?" (What will the project of a 'Greater Albania' bring for Orthodoxy), Pravoslavnaia Rus' (Orthodox Russia), N 2 (1787), January 15/28, 2005, p. 10.
343 Lieven, Empire, London: John Murray, 2000, p. 213.
344 Dostoyevsky, in Orlando Figes, Crimea, London: Allen Lane, 2010, p. 462.
345 Golicz, op. cit., p. 44.
346 Lieven, Towards the Flame. Empire, War and the End of Tsarist Russia, London: Allen Lane, 2015, pp. 77-79.
347 Lebedev, Velikorossia, p. 349.
348 V. Zombardt, in O.A. Platonov, Ternovij Venets Rossii (Russia’s Crown of Thorns), Moscow, 1998, p. 275.
349Vital, op. cit., pp. 485-486.
350 "The Union which we want to create is not French, English, Swiss or German; it is Jewish, it is universal. The Jew will not become a friend of the Christian or the Muslim before the light of the Jewish faith, the only religion of reason, shines out everywhere among the other peoples and countries that are hostile to our manners and interests. We first of all want to be and remain Jews; our nationality is the religion of our fathers, and we do not recognize any authority. We lived in foreign lands and cannot about the changing desires of countries that are completely alien to us while our own material and moral tasks are in danger."The Jewish teaching must fill the whole world... The Christian churches are obstacles to the Jewish cause, and it is necessary in the interests of Jewry not only to fight the Christian churches, but also to annihilate them... Our cause is great and holy, and its success guaranteed. Catholicism, our age-old enemy, lies face down, wounded in the head. The net cast by Israel over the whole earthly globe will spread with each day, and the majestic prophecies of our sacred books will finally be fulfilled. The time is approaching when Jerusalem will become a house of prayer for all peoples, and the banner of Jewish monotheism will be unfurled on distant shores. We will take advantage of circumstances. Our power is huge. We shall learn how to apply it for our cause. What have we to be frightened of? Not far distant is the day when all the riches of the earth will pass into the possession of the children of Israel." (italics mine - V.M.).
351 Solzhenitsyn, op. cit., pp. 178-180.
352 Aksakov, Rus', October 10, 1881; in Cohen and Major, op. cit., p. 627.
353 Jelavich, History of the Balkans, vol. 2: Twentieth Century, Cambridge University Press, 1983, p. 26.
354 Jelavich, op. cit., p. 26.
355 Vital, op. cit., pp. 495-496.
356 Glenny, op. cit., p. 150.
357Jelavich, op. cit., p. 26. 67,000 Jews eventually emigrated to the USA (Winder, op. cit. p. 394).
358Vital, op. cit., pp. 504, 505.
359 Glenny, The Balkans, 1804-1999, London: Granta Books, pp. 133-134.
360Hosking, op. cit., pp. 372-373.
361 Dostoyevsky, in K. Mochulsky, Dostoyevsky: His Life and Work, Princeton, 1967.
362Dostoyevsky, “Letter to A. N. Maikov”, 1870. V. Weidle writes: “’Europe is a mother to us, as is Russia, she is our second mother; we have taken much from her and shall do so again, and we do not wish to be ungrateful to her.’ No Westernizer said this; it is beyond Westernizers, as it is beyond Slavophiles. Dostoyevsky wrote it at the height of his wisdom, on the threshold of death… His last hope was Messianism, but a Messianism which was essentially European, which developed out of his perception of Russia as a sort of better Europe, which was called upon to save and renew Europe” (The Task of Russia, New York, 1956, pp. 47-60; in Alexander Schmemann, The Historical Road of Eastern Orthodoxy, Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1963, p. 338).
363 Dostoyevsky, The Brothers Karamazov, Penguin Magarshack translation, p. 307.
364 Lebedev, op. cit., p. 331.
365 Among his few sayings on the subject is the following: "Our constitution is mutual love. Of the Monarch for the people and of the people for the Monarch." (cited in Lossky, N.O., Bog i mirovoe zlo (God and World Evil), 1994, Moscow: "Respublika", pp. 234-35).
366 Mussorgsky, quoted in Richard Taruskin, “The Power of Black Earth: Notes on Khovanschina”, Classic FM Magazine. May, 2006. In Boris Godunov Mussorgsky tried to "view the people as one giant being, inspired by one idea" (Julian Haylock, "Mussorgsky", Classic FM Magazine, May, 2006, p. 31).
373 Dostoyevsky, in Igor Volgin, Poslednij God Dostoevskogo (Dostoyevsky's Last Year), Moscow, 1986, p. 267.
374 Metropolitan Anastasy (Gribanovsky), Besedy so svoim sobstvennym serdtsem (Conversations with my own Heart), Jordanville, 1948, pp. 9-10.
375 The only person who retained his enthusiasm for the Speech for years to come was Ivan Aksakov. As Dostoyevsky wrote: “Aksakov (Ivan) ran onto the stage and declared to the public that my speech was not simply a speech but an historical event! The clouds had been covering the horizon, but here was Dostoyevsky’s word, which, like the appearing sun, dispersed all the clouds and lit up everything. From now on there would be brotherhood, and there would be no misunderstandings” (in Volgin, op. cit., p. 267).
376 Volgin, op. cit., p. 266.
377 Volgin, op. cit., p. 271.
378 K.V. Glazkov, "Zashchita ot liberalizma" ("A Defence from Liberalism"), Pravoslavnaia Rus' (Orthodox Russia), N 15 (1636), August 1/14, 1999, pp. 9, 10, 11.
379 Katkov, Moskovskie Vedomosti (Moscow Gazette), 1867, N 88; in L.A. Tikhomirov, Monarkhicheskaia Gosudarstvennost’ (Monarchical Statehood), St. Petersburg, 1992, p. 31.
380 Katkov, Moskovskie Vedomosti (Moscow Gazette), 1881, N 115; in Tikhomirov, op. cit., p. 314.
381 Katkov, Moskovskie Vedomosti (Moscow Gazette), 1886, N 341; in Tikhomirov, op. cit., p. 314.
382 For example: “The whole labour and struggle of Russian History consisted in taking away the power of each over all, in the annihilation of many centres of power. This struggle, which in various forms and under various conditions took place in the history of all the great peoples, was with us difficult, but successful, thanks to the special character of the Orthodox Church, which renounced earthly power and never entered into competition with the State. The difficult process was completed, everything was subjected to one supreme principle and there had to be no place left in the Russian people for any power not dependent on the monarch. In his one-man-rule the Russian people sees the testament of the whole of its life, on him they place all their hope” (Moskovskie Vedomosti (Moscow Gazette), № 12, 1884; in Tikhomirov, op. cit., p. 312). Again, “[the Tsar] is not only the sovereign of his country and the leader of his people: he is the God-appointed supervisor and protector of the Orthodox Church, which does not recognize any earthly deputy of Christ above it and has renounced any non-spiritual action, presenting all its cares about its earthly prosperity and order to the leader of the great Orthodox people that it has sanctified” (in Tikhomirov, op. cit., p. 313).
383 Volgin, op. cit., pp. 269-270.
384 Leontiev, “G. Katkov i ego vragi na prazdnike Pushkina” (G. Katkov and his enemies at the Pushkin festivities), in Vostok, Rossia i Slavianstvo (The East, Russia and Slavdom), op. cit., p. 279.
385 Leontiev, op. cit., p. 282.
386 Dostoyevsky, The Dream of a Ridiculous Man.
387 Leontiev, “O vsemirnoj liubvi”, op. cit., p. 315.
388 Dostoyevsky, Polnoe Sobranie Sochinenij (Complete Works), Leningrad, 1984, vol. 26, p. 323; in Leontiev, op. cit., p. 717.
389 Leontiev, op. cit., pp. 315, 322.
390 Dostoyevsky, The Diary of a Writer, Haslemere: Ianmead, 1984, p. 1003.
391 Leontiev, op. cit., p. 324.
392 Leontiev, op. cit., pp. 326, 327.
393 Dostoyevsky, The Diary of a Writer; in Figes, op. cit., p. 331.
394 Dostoyevsky, “The Pushkin Speech”, in The Diary of a Writer, January, 1881, p. 1029.
395 Soloviev, in David Magarshack’s introduction to his Penguin translation of The Brothers Karamazov, pp. xi-xii.
396 Florovsky, Puti Russkogo Bogoslovia (Paths of Russian Theology), Paris, 1937, pp. 300-301.
397 Lourié, “Dogmatika ‘religii liubvi’. Dogmaticheskie predstavlenia pozdnego Dostoevskogo” (The Dogmatics of ‘the religion of love’. The Dogmatic ideas of the late Dostoyevsky), in V.A. Kotel’nikov (ed.), Khristianstvo i Russkaia Literatura (Christianity and Russian Literature),St. Petersburg, 1996, p. 305.
398 Magarshack, op. cit., p. xviii.
399 Magarshack, op. cit., p. xvi.
400 Florovsky, op. cit., pp. 301-302.
401 Fr. Sergius Chetverikov, Elder Ambrose of Optina, Platina, Ca.: St. Herman of Alaska Brotherhood, 1997, p. 437
402 S. P. Ivanov, Russkaia Intelligentsia i Masonstvo ot Petra I do nashikh dnej (The Russian Intelligentsia and Masonry from Peter I to our days), Harbin, 1934, Moscow, 1997, p. 340.
403 Lieven, Nicholas II, pp. 142, 143.
404 Ivanov, op. cit., p. 345.
405 “The participation of the Masons in this deed,” writes Selyaninov, “cannot be doubted. This was discovered when the Russian government turned to the French government with the demand that it hand over Hartman, who was hiding in Paris under the name Meyer. Scarcely had Hartman been arrested at the request of the Russian ambassador when the French radicals raised an unimaginable noise. The Masonic deputy Engelhardt took his defence upon himself, trying to prove that Meyer and Hartman were different people. The Russian ambassador Prince Orlov began to receive threatening letters. Finally, the leftist deputies were preparing to raise a question and bring about the fall of the ministry. The latter took fright, and, without waiting for the documents promised by Orlov that could have established the identity of Hartman-Meyer, hastily agreed with the conclusions of Brother Engelhardt and helped Hartman to flee to England… In London Hartman was triumphantly received into the Masonic lodge ‘The Philadelphia’.” (in Ivanov, op. cit., p. 346). “In this connection an interesting correspondence took place between two high-ranking Masons, Felix Pia and Giuseppe Garibaldi. Pia wrote: ‘The most recent attempt on the life of the All-Russian despot confirms your legendary phrase: “The Intenationale is the sun of the future!”’, and speaks about the necessity of defending ‘our brave friend Hartman’. In reply, Garibaldi praised Hartman, and declared: ‘Political murder is the secret of the successful realization of the revolution.’ And added: ‘Siberia is the not the place for the comrades of Hartman, but for the Christian clergy.’ In 1881 Hartman arrived in America, where he was received with a storm of ovations. At one of the workers’ meetings he declared that he had arrived in the USA (!) with the aim of… helping the Russian people (!) to win freedom.” (in Lebedev, op. cit., p. 356).
406 Abaza argued in favour of a constitution as follows: “The throne cannot rest exclusively on a million bayonets and an army of officials” (quoted in Figes, A People’s Tragedy, p. 41).
407 Ivanov, op. cit., pp. 344-345. In broad daylight, a bomb was thrown at the Tsar's carriage. It injured some of the guards but left him unhurt. Disregarding his personal safety, he left his carriage and was attending to the injured when a second bomb was thrown, fatally wounding him and many others. He was rushed to the Winter Palace where he died in the presence of his grief-stricken family. Both his son and heir, the future Tsar Alexander III, and his grandson, the future Tsar Nicholas II, were present.
