• Method of determining where the ancestors of turtles and tortoises come from Step 1
  • 3………. ……of points towards the top. Sea turtles were grouped together in the bottom part. ⇩ Step 3
  • Few words to say about this book




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    THE-BIBLE-OF-IELTS-READING-BOOK

    Questions 1-6 
    Complete the flow-chart below.
    Choose 
    NO MORE THAN TWO WORDS AND/OR A NUMBER
     from the passage for each answer.
    Method of determining where the ancestors of turtles and tortoises come from 
    Step 1
    71 species of living turtles and tortoises were examined and a total of 
    1……………… 
    ……..were 
    taken from the bones of their forelimbs. 

     
    Step 2
    The data was recorded on a 
    2……………
    necessary for comparing the information). 
    Outcome: Land tortoises were represented by a dense 
    3……….
    ……of points towards the top. 
    Sea turtles were grouped together in the bottom part. 

     
    Step 3
    The same data was collected from some living 
    4………
    … species and added to the other results. 
    Outcome: The points for these species turned out to be positioned about 
    5…….
    ……….up the 
    triangle between the land tortoises and the sea turtles. 

     
    Step 4
    Bones of P quenstedti and P. talampayensis were examined in a similar way and the results added. 
    Outcome: The position of the points indicated that both these ancient creatures were 
    6…………….


    88 
    READING PASSAGE 2 
    Attitudes to language
     
    It is not easy to be systematic and objective about language study. Popular linguistic debate regularly 
    deteriorates into invective and polemic. Language belongs to everyone, so most people feel they have a right to 
    hold an opinion about it. And when opinions differ, emotions can run high. Arguments can start as easily over 
    minor points of usage as over major policies of linguistic education.
    Language, moreover, is a very public behaviour, so it is easy for different usages to be noted and criticised. No 
    part of society or social behaviour is exempt: linguistic factors influence how we judge personality
    intelligence, social status, educational standards, job aptitude, and many other areas of identity and social 
    survival. As a result, it is easy to hurt, and to be hurt, when language use is unfeelingly attacked.
    In its most general sense, prescriptivism is the view that one variety of language has an inherently higher value 
    than others, and that this ought to be imposed on the whole of the speech community. The view is propounded 
    especially in relation to grammar and vocabulary, and frequently with reference to pronunciation. The variety 
    which is favoured, in this account, is usually a version of the 'standard' written language, especially 
    as encountered in literature, or in the formal spoken language which most closely reflects this style. Adherents 
    to this variety are said to speak or write 'correctly'; deviations from it are said to be 'incorrect!
    All the main languages have been studied prescriptively, especially in the 18th century approach to the writing 
    of grammars and dictionaries. The aims of these early grammarians were threefold: (a) they wanted to codify 
    the principles of their languages, to show that there was a system beneath the apparent chaos of usage, (b) they 
    wanted a means of settling disputes over usage, and (c) they wanted to point out what they felt to be 
    common errors, in order to 'improve' the language. The authoritarian nature of the approach is 
    best characterised by its reliance on ‘rules' of grammar. Some usages are 'prescribed,' to be learnt and followed 
    accurately; others are 'proscribed,' to be avoided. In this early period, there were no half-measures: usage was 
    either right or wrong, and it was the task of the grammarian not simply to record alternatives, but to pronounce 
    judgement upon them.
    These attitudes are still with us, and they motivate a widespread concern that linguistic standards should be 
    maintained. Nevertheless, there is an alternative point of view that is concerned less with standards than with 
    the facts of linguistic usage. This approach is summarised in the statement that it is the task of the grammarian 
    to describe, not prescribe to record the facts of linguistic diversity, and not to attempt the impossible tasks of 
    evaluating language variation or halting language change. In the second half of the 18th century, we already 
    find advocates of this view, such as Joseph Priestiey, whose Rudiments of English Grammar (1761) insists that 
    'the custom of speaking is the original and only just standard of any language! Linguistic issues, it is argued, 
    cannot be solved by logic and legislation. And this view has become the tenet of the modern linguistic 
    approach to grammatical analysis.
    In our own time, the opposition between 'descriptivists' and 'prescriptivists' has often become extreme, with 
    both sides painting unreal pictures of the other. Descriptive grammarians have been presented as people who 
    do not care about standards, because of the way they see all forms of usage as equally valid. Prescriptive 
    grammarians have been presented as blind adherents to a historical tradition. The opposition has even 
    been presented in quasi-political terms - of radical liberalism vs elitist conservatism.


    89 

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